The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has confirmed that 2024 was the deadliest year on record for humanitarian personnel. The Aid Worker Security Database recorded the deaths of 344 aid workers, surpassing the 2023 total of 280.   

‘It is unspeakably tragic when colleagues lose their lives trying to do their jobs’, says Linda Isabel Ngesa, a legal adviser with the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in London. The ICRC has lost several of its humanitarian workers on the ground in conflict zones over the last two years. 

Attacks directed against aid workers by either state or non-state armed groups, as well as indiscriminate attacks that strike without distinction between military and civilian objects, are prohibited under the Geneva Conventions and their Protocols, which consider humanitarian personnel in the same terms as civilians. The primary responsibility for the security and protection of aid workers lies with the government hosting humanitarian operations.   

While humanitarian organisations do take steps to protect and train their workers, Jon Novakovic, Executive Director of the Global International Security Forum, explains that the focus for these organisations is risk mitigation. NGOs work, for example, to establish relationships with local actors, take stock of context-specific risks – such as the presence of illegal checkpoints – and prepare staff for roles in particularly dangerous contexts via immersive simulation-based training, he explains. The principles of neutrality, independence and impartiality that underpin humanitarian aid are also critical in ensuring the security of staff. 

However, NGOs have traditionally relied on compliance with international humanitarian law (IHL) to take on responsibility for addressing the larger risks, such as direct attacks on workers. ‘There’s a limit to what an NGO can mitigate, and it’s very hard to mitigate an airstrike’, says Novakovic.  

Most aid workers killed were UNRWA (the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East) staff – some at home with their families and others while at work in offices and shelters. ‘These numbers signal a disturbing lack of regard for the lives of civilians’, says Doughten. 

In October Israel’s parliament voted to ban UNRWA from operating within its borders, a development that Nathalie Weizmann, Senior Legal Officer at the OCHA, says is in direct opposition to the UN Charter and in violation of Israel’s obligations under international law. ‘No national legislation can alter these obligations,’ she says.  

The Israeli Government Press Office didn’t respond to Global Insight’s request for comment, but Danny Danon – Israel’s ambassador to the UN – posted on social media that ‘UNRWA-Gaza is a terrorist organization hiding behind the guise of a humanitarian aid organization’. UNRWA told Global Insight that the agency has been subjected to a ‘vicious misinformation and disinformation attack’. The ban was due to come into effect in late January. 

Another hot spot for attacks is Sudan, where a civil war between the country’s army and the paramilitaries of the Rapid Support Forces has resulted in around 25 million people requiring humanitarian assistance. While working in this context, more than 45 aid workers were killed, kidnapped or wounded in 2024.  

Globally, most aid workers killed are national staff – native to where they work. An increased emphasis on localisation within the sector, which intends to position those with greater familiarity and knowledge of the environment as aid providers, has meant the majority of those on the ground are now nationals. Due to a range of factors, including different security protocols, these individuals aren’t always afforded the same resources or protections as international staff – and ultimately don’t have the same ability to evacuate if the situation worsens. 

Weizmann urges states to systematically advocate for the protection of aid workers, including by exerting diplomatic pressure, carrying out responsible arms transfers and supporting the investigation and prosecution of crimes against humanitarian personnel. She says that while ‘many states condemn attacks on aid workers and take steps to prevent the criminalisation and politicalisation of humanitarian aid’, the issue has ‘not generated the global outrage it deserves’.  

Where suspected IHL violations aren’t sanctioned, Novakovic observes what he terms a ‘butterfly effect’. Recalling conversations with individuals on the ground in Sudan, he says the ‘armed actors’ they’re dealing with have referred to alleged IHL breaches going unpunished in other contexts. ‘Their comeback is, “well, based on events happening in other parts of the world compliance with IHL seems to depend on who your friends are”’, he explains. The concern is that if IHL isn’t upheld and breaches aren’t responded to appropriately – irrespective of geopolitical relationships – the system will weaken globally.  

In May, the UN Security Council adopted resolution 2730, which calls upon the Secretary-General to issue recommendations on measures to prevent and respond to attacks against humanitarian and UN personnel. These recommendations were announced at November’s Security Council meeting, during which Doughten outlined ‘three critical areas for action’, specifically the clear condemnation of attacks against aid workers; ensuring accountability; and greater support for victims and survivors of harm. 

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